'Glenn Beck': Restoring History

This is a rush transcript from "Glenn Beck," July 9, 2010. This copy may not be in its final form and may be updated.

GLENN BECK, HOST: Tonight, we try to restore history of people who you think — you know, these books will tell you they were heroes and they may be villains. Some people who were villains may turn out to be heroes.

With us tonight, Larry Schweikart, he is author of the new book "Seven Events that Made America America." A great book. Also, he wrote the best selling "Patriots History of the United States." Every American should own that book in their home.

And Burton Folsom, Jr. He is the author of another great book — I learned more about FDR in "New Deal or Raw Deal: How FDR's Economic Legacy has Damaged America" and "The Myth of the Robber Barons."

Gentlemen, I want to show you, first of all, because will you both agree — you're historians, will you both agree that it was the progressives that did this for a reason? They've changed our history?

LARRY SCHWEIKART, "7 EVENTS THAT MADE AMERICA AMERICA" AUTHOR: Yes, sir. Deliberately.

BECK: OK. Why?

SCHWEIKART: It's what progressives do. They reshape the past in order to make policies for the present. That's the definition of historicism. That's this thing that's brought over from Germany by the progressives. Let's change history so that we can justify what we want to do in the present.

BECK: OK. This is "understanding by design," a small learning community, high school, New York City. This is a drafting template for curriculum unit plan, OK? This is the curriculum for New York State schools on progressives.

Listen to this. American history — subject area: American history, the progressive era.

Unit summary: Progressivism was a reform movement that sought to correct the evils of big business practices, industrialization, and unsanitary conditions brought about by urbanization. Students will be able to see that the progressive leaders have come from different fields to reform the problems caused by industrialization. Students will also understand that progressive presidents have tried to bring about reforms to improve American society. Students will analyze the extent to which progressivism has impacted the future of the United States.

Nowhere here does it talk about the progressives like Walter Lippmann, Margaret Sanger. Here, it has several places where it talks about Woodrow Wilson, but in a positive light.

Let's talk — let's start a little bit on Woodrow Wilson. Tell me about Woodrow Wilson's position on race.

BURTON FOLSOM JR., "NEW DEAL OR RAW DEAL" AUTHOR: He was an arch segregationist. He segregated the American Armed Forces.

BECK: OK. Not segregated before he got in.

FOLSOM: Yes, and segregated the post office as well, which is difficult. But he did that. And he reduced the number of African- Americans enrolled in the federal government.

BECK: Did he not also — because he wanted to be a little more subtle — did he not also introduce if you were going to apply for a job in the federal government, suddenly, there needed to be a picture attached?

FOLSOM: Yes.

BECK: Yes. So, he was —

FOLSOM: The picture in the post office, right?

BECK: Right. Right.

FOLSOM: Because that would be one way to keep it —

BECK: Right. OK.

FOLSOM: — segregated.

BECK: He also — tell me about this. This is — I've had it in my briefcase for a week and I haven't had time to watch this yet. This is a movie, if I'm not mistaken, wasn't this the first big silent movie? Or the first silent movie?

SCHWEIKART: Yes.

BECK: First big one?

SCHWEIKART: Yes.

BECK: OK. And tell me what it is, "Birth of a Nation."

SCHWEIKART: Well, it's basically the history of the Civil War and Reconstruction seen through the eyes of a Klansman.

BECK: OK. I've read — and I don't know if this is true — I have I read that this was based on Wilson's writings. True or false?

SCHWEIKART: I don't know about.

BECK: You don't know? OK.

SCHWEIKART: I've heard that but I haven't verified that.

BECK: You haven't verified that. This movie — would you agree it's a racist movie?

SCHWEIKART: It is. Absolutely.

BECK: OK. It glorifies the Klan.

This movie was premiered at the White House. It was shown at the White House for Woodrow Wilson — who claimed that it was one of the best movies, you know, of all time. It will really tell American history.

Tell me about — tell me about what Woodrow Wilson did at the universities when African-Americans wanted to apply. Now at Princeton, there is — if I'm not mistaken, the African-American scholarship. I think it's the Woodrow Wilson scholarship, is it not? And he'd said that if it was nonsense for something like this — for African-Americans to try to get higher education, did he not?

FOLSOM: He certainly did believe that blacks had the capabilities to finish — at least, in large numbers.

BECK: OK. So how did he get to be this guy who, at best, is neutral in the history books? Because — I'd love to hear your opinion on this — do you think that the theory that Woodrow Wilson really was the reason we had World War II is accurate? He defanged Britain. He forced us — forced Britain into dropping their ally Japan, did he not? He was the one who really pushed with the League of Nations the peace treaty and all of that debt that Germany had.

I mean, he's really — the progressive ideas were the ones that set the world up for World War II.

FOLSOM: He was an internationalist in that sense for sure. He wanted the League of Nations. He wanted the power to gravitate toward the League of Nations, away from the United States, certainly or individual national entities.

But I think it's his redistributionist policies that also make him very popular with the textbook writers. When Wilson came in, we didn't have an income tax, at least one that was operable. The Thirteenth Amendment came in, in 1913.

Then we get a progressive tax. We're taxing the rich more than others and that tax is raised up to over 70 percent by the time he gets out of office.

BECK: And he promises that it will never go over 10 percent, didn't he?

FOLSOM: Those were the initial promises. It was 7 percent.

BECK: Right.

FOLSOM: The first rate was 7 percent. But it's over 70 percent. Now, of course, we have World War I coming in.

BECK: Which he promised would never be fought. "I'll keep you out of war."

FOLSOM: Yes. But then in 1919 and `20, when the war was over, the tax remained high.

BECK: Did he not say when America thwarted him on the League of Nations, he said basically what Obama said during health care, well, I haven't explained it enough. And he went on a whistle train tour of America to try to explain it.

When America rejected it, didn't he say — I think I read this some place — that it's God's will and God won't be thwarted on this, right?

FOLSOM: He very much believed he was operating for God and that it wouldn't be thwarted. And, thus, he was very surprised when it was, in fact, thwarted.

BECK: Now, it was under the Wilson administration, at least, that social justice started working its way in to the churches. Was that part of Woodrow Wilson?

SCHWEIKART: This actually predates Wilson. You get these guys like Walter Rauschenbusch and the whole progressive theologians who believed in this notion of redistributive (ph) justice and sharing of all the goods. But Wilson believes that he's on a — to quote John Belushi — mission from God. He's here to remake the world and, you know, you mentioned Versailles. He goes in to Versailles and he gives away the farm.

He gives the British what they want. They don't want a German army. Whatever, no German navy.

The French don't want a German army. All right, fine. No German army.

Italians want land. OK, you get land. All I want is the League of Nations.

He gives everything that you can actually get in order to obtain something that you can't have, which is international peace and love and harmony.

BECK: And that's when everybody went kind of underground. Progressivism got a really bad name.

UNIDENTIFIED: Very bad.

BECK: So, they changed to liberals, right, and kind of reappeared again under FDR and just put it all through. They learned. They learned from their mistakes.

FOLSOM: Right. They did. But the 1920s, obviously, was a very bad decade for progressives.

BECK: Oh, yes.

FOLSOM: We had budget surpluses every year.

BECK: OK. When we come back, Hillary Clinton has said, well, she's not — she's not a hero in all things. She doesn't — you know, she knows she was a person that had some flaws. But she admires her, Margaret Sanger.

Let's introduce you to the real Margaret Sanger, another progressive hero — when we come back.

(APPLAUSE)

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: If you want to learn the truth about history, sign up for Insider Extreme account at GlennBeck.com. Watch our special Friday features this week. Top liberal lies based on Larry Schweikart's book "48 Liberal Lies."

Back with us, Larry Schweikart and Burton Folsom, Jr. Before we go to Margaret Sanger, we were just having a conversation off-air because we were talking about this racist movie, "Birth of a Nation," that was Woodrow Wilson, based on — I'm almost positive is based — what was the name of that book?

SCHWEIKART: "History of the United States."

BECK: "History of the United States" by Woodrow Wilson. Just a racist Klan movie, that's all it is.

And — so, we started talking about it and Reconstruction. And during the break, I asked, Abraham Lincoln — I know this is a really controversial idea — I think Abraham Lincoln was a good guy, but there's a lot of people, especially down South, think Abraham Lincoln was a bad guy. Good guy/bad guy?

SCHWEIKART: I like Lincoln a lot. I realize that he goes overboard in terms of many executive powers in the Civil War. You can justify those by war-time needs. But —

BECK: He gives them back. It's like — it's like Washington. He could be a tyrant but he gives — he restores the rights. And that's important.

SCHWEIKART: You know, what's so amazing about Lincoln is, before he was elected president, he does a speech where he talks about respect for the law and he means the Constitution. And he said, we should teach this to every baby, every preacher in the pulpit ought to be preaching the Constitution. And you are talking earlier about these immigration pastors, do you think they're preaching the Constitution from their pulpit?

BECK: No, no.

So, Burton, you don't like him?

FOLSOM: No, I do. I think that he had a great reverence for the Constitution. He believed in natural rights. And as Larry was saying and you were saying, too, the problems that occurred in the war with the income tax, even a progressive income tax, the newspapers being denied civil liberties, even legislators being carted off and put in jail, even a congressman having his constitutional liberties violated. All of that was done away with after the war and the nation went back on a path of redeeming a lot of the war debt.

BECK: Right.

FOLSOM: We have paid off — in the 50 years after the Civil War, we paid off half of the Civil War debt.

BECK: So, I think you guys are going for real — I mean, those are really good examples. The one I always hear on Lincoln is, well, that he was — I mean, he was — he got rid of the state rights. But I actually went down to the Civil War museum in the South and asked to see a copy of the Constitution. And they rolled out the real copy and I read it.

And that's not about the state rights. That is about the slavery. Because you're joining the Confederacy, you don't have a right to drop out of slavery or tell anybody that no slavery. You had to participate in slavery.

SCHWEIKART: There are three separate clauses in the Confederate Constitution dealing with slavery. And one of them says that even if, say, Alabama opts out of slavery, it still has to recognize the right of Mississippians or Floridians to bring slaves into Alabama.

BECK: Right.

SCHWEIKART: So, it's very clear what the document was about.

BECK: And it wasn't even — it wasn't just allowing slavery. It was re-establishment of the slave trade.

SCHWEIKART: Yes.

BECK: So — OK. All right. So, let's go on to Margaret Sanger, because in the history books, this is what they say about Margaret Sanger. Boy, she was a princess!

She started the first birth control clinic in 1916. We're taught she is a champion of women's reproductive rights. She coined the phrase "birth control," founder of Planned Parenthood.

But in the infancy, the movement Sanger led was part of a radical vision for reforming the world that made common cause with the socialist and the IWW in challenging the limits of progressive reform.

I don't think that goes far enough. She was — correct me if I'm wrong — trying to wipe out the, quote, "Negro race" — was she not?

SCHWEIKART: Yes. She starts something called the Negro Project in which she tries to enlist black ministers and get them to go into their neighborhoods and tell black people not to reproduce — because they are, in her words, an unfit group.

BECK: Does she — does she not — so she has these horrible, horrible ideas about Negroes and she says — and I'm using her word, "Negroes" — she goes on to say, we don't want the Negro to know that we're trying to wipe them out. God forbid they catch on.

But then, why does she leave the country? She leaves the country. Is she not kicked out to go over to Europe or — she goes over and she learns a more subtle way, does she not?

UNIDENTIFIED: Yes.

BECK: Right. She goes over to Europe and she learns a more subtle way, eugenics — which is popular and talked just about birth control. When she — when she first starts talking about birth control, it's because she's — she recognizes that her overt racism is not — can't be sold. Correct?

SCHWEIKART: Yes.

BECK: Am I wrong?

SCHWEIKART: We're leaving out one really important point here.

BECK: What is that?

SCHWEIKART: She gives a speech to a Klan rally in 1926.

BECK: What did she say?

SCHWEIKART: Well, there is no record of what she said, but one person said it was something like — we need to get rid of these unfit people.

BECK: She was also part of this eugenics movement, which was to breed a better person, breed a better voter, right?

UNIDENTIFIED: Yes.

BECK: Which led directly — it was the American Progressive Eugenics Movement that migrated over to Europe.

FOLSOM: Not all progressives were involved but many were — Henry Fairfield Osborn, Madison Grant, were involved in the eugenics.

BECK: And California was involved in it. Big time, were they not? And they migrated the eugenics over to Europe, which — there's the idea of the Aryan race and the fit society, and we'll breed the ultimate race and led to gas chambers.

SCHWEIKART: And where does all of this start and kind of catch on in Europe? Public health. They are always claiming this is in the name of public health, we have to make sure unfit groups don't reproduce because they're damaging public health. So, it's all done in the name of health care.

BECK: When you see events of the day and health care, and you see Rahm Emanuel's — no, Zeke Emanuel's complete lives system which says, you know, you're going — not going to get it early on, you're not going to get that health care late. It's important to understand the history of progressives, because you recognize things. They don't have to end the same way, but it's the same pattern they follow; is it not?

FOLSOM: Well, it is. See, progressives want to redistribute wealth. They believe some people are entitled to more goods in society than others, literally entitled; whereas the founders believed in equal opportunity.

So, what you have, it's obvious. Black Americans are inferior, so we won't allow them as much opportunity as we will other groups. In eugenics, we have some people who are handicapped or have an infirmity, we don't want them reproducing. So, we will deny them certain rights or at least try to. Some people are more equal — as George Orwell said — than others.

And the progressive vision fits into this regularly. And that's why you see eugenics, racism, become sometimes part of the progressive agenda.

BECK: OK.

Next, we're going to go down with a couple of — I guess you'd call them heroes — I mean, the villains. If you read the history books, they're villains. One of them in particular, Rockefeller. Both of these guys, hero. I am anxious to hear their case on that one — next.

(APPLAUSE)

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: You are getting a ton of information today. It's American history without an agenda, the truth. If you want to learn more, go to glennbeck.com/extreme and sign up to be part of a very special history-based lecture series to get lessons from the best and brightest historians and scholars that we could find.

We have just started. We have three that we have announced, but wait until you see what we have coming. It's the summer of restoration, be a part of it at glennbeck.com. Still with us are Larry Schweikart, author of "Seven Events that Made America America." and Burton Folsom, Jr., author of "New Deal or Raw Deal: How FDR economic legacy has damaged America." OK, so what we're doing is we're looking through the history books and we're seeing who the villains are and who the good guys are. And what amazed me and this is maybe about three years ago, when I came across the progressive movement, it amazed me. Once you open up that progressive door, and you see, you start to see distortions everywhere, the world changes. You no longer ask how did we get here? It's the turn of the century. Let's start with somebody I haven't studied, but somebody who I think is a bad guy, Rockefeller, senior. You guys say he was a good guy.

SCHWEIKART: I think John D. Rockefeller is a wonderful American. He gives us cheap energy, really makes America energy independent. At the time Rockefeller comes on the scene, the major source of interior illumination was whale oil.

Within about 20 years people quit using whale oil, but John D. Rockefeller does more to save the whales than Greenpeace. He drives down the price of kerosene that people have to substitute kerosene for whale oil. He gets nothing, but grease for it.

FOLSOM: He then uses the byproduct of the kerosene, of the oil he was getting out of the ground. Only part of it was good for kerosene.

Other parts, other oil drillers ended up tossing it into the river. But as Larry knows, he became one of the first environmentalists because he believed all the parts in a barrel of oil would be useful, because —

BECK: Was he an environmentalist or was he a guy who was a good capitalist and said don't waste?

FOLSOM: He was a good capitalist and said don't waste. But the effect of his actions was to improve the environment.

BECK: That's the one thing that I don't think people really truly understand. When they say I want to get off oil. Everything, everything in our society is oil-based. This chair has petroleum products. The book has petroleum products, the curtains, the light. Everything, our clothing is petroleum-based.

FOLSOM: Much of those, that discovery was John D. Rockefeller. He believed that God wouldn't make something that was useless. So therefore, everything in the barrel of oil had to be useful. To get a research and development department at work to figure out what all the parts are good for.

BECK: OK, so tell me - because this is the part I have a problem with. I haven't had time to really research and go to the robber barons and look at these guys, because I believe in capitalism and I believe in the free market.

But these guys, you know, when Rockefeller Senior died, Junior was told you must give this wealth away, because it's compounding at such a rate that your family will be crushed by the amount of wealth that you have. They had wealth of nations in their family. When you have that much wealth, it's easy to become really nasty. Now I don't know how to solve that, I don't know how to do it other than the capitalist system. But when you amass Rockefeller — I mean is there anybody that has to kind of money now?

SCHWEIKART: Rockefeller had enough to practically pay off the entire U.S. national debt himself.

BECK: Right. So there is nobody that has the kind of wealth that these guys had.

SCHWEIKART: Carnegie was close and the neat thing about Carnegie is early, early in life when he had no hope of getting this kind of wealth, he says my goal in life is to give away $300 million. This is in 1800s when a dollar was a dollar. Three hundred million dollars, he ends up giving away $400 million.

FOLSOM: Rockefeller gave away $500 million.

SCHWEIKART: They give away astounding amount of money.

FOLSOM: A lot of it is systemic work to solve scientific problems, boll weevil problems in the south. He gave away to help Booker T. Washington to help black universities and colleges. We only had one black college before the Civil War. We have over 100 by the 1920s and '30s and Rockefeller is one of the benefit.

BECK: So give me the worst thing about him that's true.

SCHWEIKART: Worst thing about Rockefeller is that he tried to control the market and he darn near succeeded. I think he achieved about 70 percent concentration, and yet he never got what we call monopoly pricing. The price of oil and kerosene kept falling, the more he controlled the further down the price went and the consumers were happy.

BECK: All right, back in just a second.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: Back with Larry Schweikart and Burton Folsom Jr., and we're talking about restoring history and hero and villains. We want to Gerard who has a question.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: My question is you talk about Rockefeller giving his money away and Carnegie giving his money away guarantee giving his money away and Sanger going to Europe. The whole point of giving the money away was because he couldn't keep it all, because it would control too much.

That if he gave people on the other side and here in the United States money, he would empower them. But they knew where the money came from, they would owe him favors. So he controlled both foreign lands and here. Sanger what she did? She went over there with her former population control to do the same thing in conjunction and I sent this all to Grenan (inaudible) in the Kissinger report, it's all explained. It's not just getting rid of Negros here, but getting rid of the downtrodden all over the world. He was not a good guy in that way. He was a control freak.

FOLSOM: We have to separate Rockefellers. John D. I, from John D. II, and the John D III. John D I and Andrew Carnegie as Larry was saying earlier, really were contributing more to institutions. As Larry was saying building libraries, contributing to science, eliminating problems with the boll weevil and this kind of thing, giving to black colleges —

BECK: It was junior —

FOLSOM: Now, junior and the third, that's when you get the foreign policy and the —

BECK: I agree with you, Gerrard.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Even the first and second, you're talking about, the whole point was yes, in the appearance to us when we read history books, created the schools. But the bottom line was he created people that were dependent on him to stay in power.

FOLSOM: John D. Rockefeller was really retired by the 1900 and that is a movement that begins in the progressive era. That's true.

BECK: That's what we were talking about I don't know if you heard during the break. I said my problem is that, you know, that money can reach beyond the grave.

I think it was Vanderbilt who said the more money I have, the more I give my children, the more damage I do to them, because they don't have the struggle I have, that made me the man.

SCHWEIKART: It's interesting. Burt has done a lot of research on the children of the so-called robber barons and I think it was Billy Vanderbilt was about the only one of these children who came anywhere close to the level of his father.

BECK: It's the same story over and over again. That's why we have the hippie generation of the 1960s that were so rebellious because their parents went through World War II, the great depression, and they wanted to give their kids a strife-free life, so they did.

And so did and you're special and you'll never have to go through that. The children always rebelled. They always rebelled from that. Quite honestly, I think turn in to monsters a lot of the time.

SCHWEIKART: John D. Rockefeller would have been better served not to have started the Rockefeller foundation and turned it over to his son. I agree.

BECK: let's see, Rodney, you have a question?

AUDIENCE MEMBER: How are you doing? Growing up, I'm a very conservationists person, did a lot of hunting and growing up I learned teddy Roosevelt was great conservationist. I want to know if you think of him as villain or hero. I thought of him as a hero, but now —

BECK: I tell you that Theodore Roosevelt — and I haven't done enough homework on him — I turned every stone over on Woodrow Wilson. I hate this guy. I haven't done my work — I talked to, who is it R.J. Postrido who's writing a book now on Theodore Roosevelt.

And I said to him, R.J., I'm going to hate this guy, aren't I? He said, "Yes, oh, yes, you are." I think he had a lot of good things to him. I love his fierce independence. I love the idea that he was, you know, he was really an American. You know, he said hyphen American names. We are all Americans. He was a conservationists, he did get that. But he also is the guy who started the Progressive Party. He is the guy that, you know, said we're going to look at how that wealth is earned. If you can earn it as a benefit to the whole, well then we will let you earn it and keep some of it. Then how do you spend it? No, thank you.

SCHWEIKART: You know where it comes from? I think this is Teddy Roosevelt's greatest failing is that he did so many things in his life, so many incredible things. He never ran and owned a business that had to make a profit. As a result, I don't think he got in touch to meet a payroll or worry about gee, are we going to be here next month and what is going to happen to my employees.

BECK: See - if you guys would be able help me on this. Where I get in trouble on progressivism is I do see it as a disease. It is a disease that is the cancer of the constitution. And so I don't look at any - and I know some people do. That's a good cancer. Just because it's going to eat you slower, cancer is bad. I see progressivism as a cancer. It'd like to get your opinion on that when we come back in a second.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: America, the one thing that you really have to wrap your arms around and you can disagree with me but do your own homework. By the way, final moments with Larry Schweikart and Barton Folsom Jr.

Is the Progressive Movement as I said before the break is a cancer, a cancer of the constitution. If you agree with it, great, then let's be honest about it. Let's move forward. But it's a cancer. Woodrow Wilson was deadly, quickly. Theodore Roosevelt was much slower in much. Tell me if you thing you disagree. John McCain is Theodore Roosevelt and Wilson is Barack Obama. But they're both progressives, the reason why I think that Teddy Roosevelt is dangerous, just like John McCain, you wouldn't have had the Tea Party Movement and you wouldn't have had people necessarily waking up because it would have been slower, subtler. And there was —

FOLSOM: There was an overtness to Teddy Roosevelt. He went after Rockefeller. He went after James J. Hill who had built the first transcontinental railroad that took no subsidiaries. It beat ones that got federal subsidies and Roosevelt went after it.

He initiated the Hepburn Act, which regulated the railroads and made it hard for them to compete. So there was an element of Roosevelt that went after business and markets, very, very hard.

BECK: Wasn't that important? I know the Pennsylvania railroad was the first one. I can't remember the name of the guy, but the guy who built Pennsylvania Station was the first to say no corruption, no graft, we're not paying bribes, et cetera, et cetera. He really was depending on Roosevelt to help break that graft up, wasn't he?

SCHWEIKART: You are talking about the Northern Security Act?

BECK: Yes, I'm talking about - yes about 1904.

SCHWEIKART: 1904.

BECK: I thought it was 1902, but yes. Mr. Roosevelt needed to come in and clean some of that up, did he, or not?

FOLSOM: Well, but then when you're cleaning James J. Hill out of the picture or at least preventing him from consolidating the great — the two railroads he had, you're working against the one man who was able to achieve railroad building without — the transcontinental railroad without federal subsidy.

BECK: Lynn, you had a question?

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Yes, my question was in the Progressive Movement and its original roots. How did public education play a role in that with our founders such as John Dewey who are big advocates of public education?

SCHWEIKART: Well, you know, that's a great question.

BECK: Good question.

SCHWEIKART: The answer goes to the essence of reform, I keep coming — of progressivism, I keep coming back to this, is reform. It's all about reforming to what? To perfection.

The idea whether they're children, whether they're corporations, whether they're city governments, you can if you just keep reforming them long enough, you will finally get to perfection. It's a view that denies human sin. I hate to go there. But that is the point, it denies human sin.

BECK: I mean, it is really the collective salvation. If you look at it, it really is the whole misunderstanding of humans can be perfect, if you just have administrator administrate all the time and keep them in a box. Humans can be perfect, which is a lie and that there is collective salvation that we will all be saved together, right?

SCHWEIKART: Exactly.

BECK: So it is really kind of, the roots of it —

SCHWEIKART: The roots, yes.

BECK: — are extraordinarily spiritual, evil, really. Right? Yes.

FOLSOM: Well, and John Dewey was a progressive. That was a good question. Dewey was a progressive, supported the progressives.

BECK: But the whole idea, maybe this will answer your question, the whole idea was they needed to connect — disconnect us from the founders because we talked about our founders. We learned how great these guys were so we modeled ourselves after them.

We talked about our constitution, which stopped them from moving progress. When Wilson got in, he hated the constitution. Hated it. It was an old dusty document. The other was religion. They had to process past those three things and the key was education. Change the history. Does that answer your question?

FOLSOM: Well, studying the history was not even that important.

BECK: No, no. It's what Michelle Obama said.

FOLSOM: Sure.

BECK: Change the history. Make it old, outdated. Make it — a progressive movement, the first time that we had heard that the guys were just rich, white people. It's amazing that the biggest racist of the 20th Century were the Progressives and they were calling the founders racists. Amazing. Back in a second.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

BECK: We want to leave you with one story that is fascinating about Coca- Cola. Larry?

SCHWEIKART: The FDA under Roosevelt goes after Coca-Cola on the grounds it supposedly has cocaine in it. When they had a big trial, they can't show there is any cocaine in it. They then turn around and try to sue Coke for false advertising.

BECK: But there is no cocaine in it. That's big government at its best. We will continue our summer of restoration. I encourage you to read original sources as much as you can. I encourage you to read as much as you can. Know what you believe and why you believe it. From New York, good night, America.

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